The ruling party, the Kuomintang (KMT), was still winning clear majorities throughout the country. But the success of the new group, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), suggested that an organized opposition might come to playa significant role in the political system .... The opposition repeatedly claimed that the electoral system was rigged against it through restrictive campaign laws and unfair coverage in the Government-controlled news outlets. But the actual counting of ballots was conceded to be generally honest ....
These remarks from a December 7, 1986 New York Times article describe the supplementary elections of legislators and National Assembly members held in the Republic of China on the previous day. The international media devoted considerable attention to the elections because domestical1y and international1y they were considered a test case for judging the extent of the ROC's actual progress toward political pluralism. The campaign period and December elections, which saw a voter turnout exceeding 65 percent, in fact demonstrated a healthy stage in the development of democratic politics.
In the months prior to the elections, the ruling party had announced plans to lift the emergency decrees (general1y known as "martial law") and the bans on the formation of new parties, both political liberalization moves in concert with the ROC's economic development and social and educational progress. Even though the "Democratic Progressive Party" was technically illegal, electioneering candidates were allowed to campaign under its banner, although it was not so indicated on the official ballots.
The election results have been called a victory for the KMT, the DPP, and for the electorate as a whole. Of the 84 supplementary seats in the National Assembly, the KMT captured 68 seats (80.95 percent of the total seats won), while the DPP took 11 seats (13.10 percent). Of the 73 seats in the Legislative Yuan, the KMT won 59 seats (80.82 percent), and the DPP gained 12 seats (16.44 percent). Independent candidates won the remaining percentages. While the KMT was clearly successful in the elections by winning over 80 percent of the seats, the DPP or "opposition candidates" also claimed victory because they gained six extra seats in the Legislative Yuan over the 1983 elections.
The election system and the voters themselves were the big winners, however, because in addition to their reaffirmation of the ruling party's policies and leadership it was also clear that there is public support for a pluralistic party system. Political and media analysts have agreed that the elections demonstrated a system that is basical1y fair, open, and honest-although they hasten to add that like al1 democratic systems there is room for even greater maturity.
Political maturation has indeed become a major topic of discussion in the ROC since the beginning of the elections. Both the KMT and DPP have realized they must now deal with a voting public that exhibits rising expectations of political parties and the candidates that represent them. This is evident from last December's voting patterns.
Of the KMT nominees, voters seemed especial1y attracted to candidates considered to be moderates and to those who supported a wide range of political reforms. Chao Shao-kang (who is interviewed in this issue of FCR) is a case in point. Most of the successful candidates who aligned themselves under the DPP banner, such as Kang Ning-hsiang and Chou Ching-yu, are also considered moderates. The success of these candidates seems to be a natural result of an electorate that is now characterized by higher educational standards, greater voting experience, and better economic circumstances. Also, the ROC has a large-and steadily growing—middle class that puts considerable value on economic and political stability. Their political maturity makes them vote more independently and be less convinced by candidates who simply appeal to the emotions.
These rising political expectations translated into continuing strong support for the KMT because the ruling party has been responsible for bringing about great political, economic, educational, and cultural improvement over the years. For example, per capita GNP has risen from US$144 in 1951 to US$3,672 in 1986, while the illiteracy rate has been reduced from 42.8 percent in 1952 to 8.4 percent in 1985. Both economic and educational changes have led to rising expectations of political leadership. The public urges their representatives to ensure consistently better policies and more effective implementation.
Voter expectations have evolved into demands, and have indicated to both the KMT and DPP that they must recruit the most capable and talented party candidates possible. Candidates need to be well-educated, articulate, and be aware of the grassroots interests of the public. The election results have assured KMT that it has no reason to fear the challenge of an organized opposition. The KMT must also be aware of the trend on the past of voters to demand even better performance from the ruling party and government by expressing their wishes through the ballot box. Thus, the elections have given the KMT reasons to reflect on its policies and performance.
The December elections have also indicated that the DPP has even more to reconsider. There is a clear need for a shift in priorities before it can offer attractive and effective alternatives to what the ruling party is already accomplishing. Opposition candidates have long had a generally negative orientation toward politics, undertaking broad-gauge attacks on the KMT and its policies. But now that they face a maturing electorate, such attacks prove to be both inappropriate and inadequate.
The small group of DPP candidates who relied on rather shocking political rhetoric during campaign speeches and associated activities were successful in a few races, but analysts claim that their acceptance by voters was due more to a desire for a check and balance function in government than a ratification of their positions. Overall, however, the DPP must consider its own image as a potential new party. Shocking rhetoric and acts are not likely to carry much weight with voters in subsequent elections, while a positive platform and recruitment of highly qualified political candidates will.
Before the voters respond very favorably to the planks of any DPP platform, it will have to reflect on its own advocacy of democracy and reform-with special attention given to the security and stability of the nation. The government has stated that any new party must respect the ROC Constitution, which means resolutely striving against the Chinese Communists, drawing a clear line cutting off the Taiwan independence ideology and movement, and abiding by the nation's laws.
But policy planks have never been sufficient for successful politics; there must be politically mature action as well. In this category, last December's elections were marred by the incident at the Chiang Kai-shek International Airport just prior to the elections. A large crowd was mobilized by some DPP candidates to "welcome" overseas associates, including former Taoyuan magistrate Hsu Hsin-liang, who attempted to return to the ROC for doubtful purposes but were refused entry because they lacked legal travel documents.
The general public was dismayed with the scene of overturning of police cars, rock throwing, verbal and other violent acts of the DPP airport welcoming rally. Although the DPP released a statement after the incident condemning the acts and calling for the authorities to identify and punish the rioters according to the law, public anger and criticism still lingered on. The DPP leadership lost control of the crowd and had to pay a huge price for welcoming an opposition figure who is wanted in the ROC for sedition.
DPP Chairman Chiang Peng-chien said after the incident that Hsu's return attempts had become a burden to the DPP, but long before Hsu announced his return attempt from the U.S., DPP member Yu Ching, former Control Yuan representative and a legislator-elect last December, had already openly disapproved of the idea. On the practical level, this indicates a lack of consistency and discipline among those aligned with the DPP. Public criticism of the incident also hurt DPP candidates. Hsieh Chang-ting, for example, said it cost him at least 20,000 votes. Fallout from the airport affair indicates that if the DPP wants to win the respect and trust of the public it must replace regionalistic slogans, wild political rhetoric, and "street politics" with higher political standards.
In this regard, it is clear that the overall winners from the election campaign—with all its many positive and few negative aspects-are the nearly 11 million voters in the ROC. The past decades of voting experience have demonstrated steady maturation of the electorate and of the methods employed by candidates. Even though this past election saw no significant shift away from voter support for the KMT, the election did show that the public is willing to consider and support a pluralistic system of politics. Moreover, they have indicated by their voting patterns support for moderation, reform, and stability. Viewed from the larger perspective of other political systems around the world, the steady progress of the ROC toward political liberalization and pluralism can only inspire confidence in the nation's future.